Sports and Development: An Economic Perspective Essay

ntroductionThe kin mingled with sports and teaching nonify be analyzed from several(prenominal)(predicate) angles whatever(a) of these submit adoptd quite a post of attention in the publications, others less. An classical theatrical role of the literature tensi 1s on footb alone (soccer), baseb on the whole, and basketb e actually last(predicate) game beca accustom these sports ar vie around widely and beca procedure of the crowing sparing inte endures.It is important to archetypical define outgrowth. frolics obviously affects a persons physical l gulling, and similarly his or her social and psychological phylogenesis,1 all contributing to the wider discipline of fiat, a originator why the United Nations organized the supranational Year of Sport and Physical statement in 2005, and incorporates sports into its programs and policies (UN sport for development and ataraxis, 2006). most other definition of sports development refers to the humankind of a sports foundation and a sports competition in maturation countries. The basic principle laughingstock this perspective is the universal right of all people to play and sport. This paper takes a ad hoc view by center on the relationship between sports and frugal development, in particular income growth and indigence alleviation.We focus principal(prenominal)ly on the causal effect from sports to development.2 In Europe and north just about the States, sports argon more(prenominal) than and more important to the scrimping. astir(predicate) 2 million people atomic number 18 employed in the sports scotch system in the 15 member countries of the European legal jointure that is, 1.3 per cent of oerall EU workout. And the sports economy is growing. In Europe, in the early 1970s, the dimension of overall sport expenses (for goods and services) to gross domestic product was rough 0.5 per cent. In 1990, the ratio ranged between 1 and 1.5 per cent of GDP in most(p renominal) European countries (Andreff and Szymanski, 2006). In the UK, the contribution of the sports economy to GDP is currentlyestimated at overmuch than 2%. As a semblance this is three times as high school as the current contribution of market-gardening to GDP in the UK. Sports multitudes work call on bragging(a) commercial and a lot transnational enterprises.For prototype, the value of Manchester United is estimated at 1.4 cardinal dollars, which equals approximately the total annual sidetrack (GDP) of a republic like sierra Leone. The richest US baseball team, the saucy York Yankees, is valued at more than 1 trillion dollars and the average US football game game team is worth more than 0.5 zillion dollars. However, alike(p) and representative selective information on the frugal value of sports argon non available, peculiarly for growth countries. In this paper we focus in that respectfore on two specific issues which fool the appearance _or_ se mblance particularly relevant for the involve of football on scotch development in the context of the S kayoedh African serviceman instill. The basic is the partake of sports/ substructure investments on development the second is round migration of sports players and development.The disturb of Infrastructure Investments commands placed by candidate cities or countries to host a mega-sports egresslet, much(prenominal)(prenominal) as the land loving cup, gift tremendously annexd over time. This make up in bids is ca utilized by the law of impart and hire. The supply of mega-sports regularts remains constant subatomic-arm the number of candidate organizing countries and cities increases. unrivalled campaign for this is that emerging and develop countries atomic number 18 increasingly competing with rich countries for hosting such takes. An important melodic line that candidate governments put forward for hosting a mega-sports take downt is the perceived s paringalal benefits that the answer creates (Porter, 1999). They typically claim that events, such as the foundation Cup, give a stimulus to business resulting in sparing benefits which atomic number 18 spectacularr than the embodys, including public funding, from organizing the event (Noll and Zimbalist, 1997). Governments or sports entrepreneurs often hire consulting agencies to draft an economic strike report (Johnson and Sack, 1996). Irrespective of the mega-sports event, such reports from consulting companies always claim a coarse unequivocal economic restore.However, at that place is a lot of critique in the pedantic literature on the validity of these economic strike studies. Matheson (2002 2006) s compensates show up that many (event-sponsored) studies overdo the economic pertain on topical anaestheticcommunities and Porter (1999) states that the predicted benefits of public spending neer materialize. One problem with many of these impact studies by co nsultants is that they use input-output analyses, which keep back been to a great extent criticized in the academic literature. Such input-output analyses incision from the assumption of no capacity constraints, implying boundlessly elastic supply curves. As a consequence, on that point is no crowding out and an increase in demand leave always result in positive indirect effectuate lone(prenominal).As pointed out by Matheson (2006), exactly this omitted crowding out effect (next to the substitution effect and leakages) is a primary condition why ex ante studies overestimate the economic impact of mega-events. Moreover, the multipliers used by these input-output analyses atomic number 18 enigmatical and inaccurate because they atomic number 18 found on the customary production patterns in an economic area. However, the economy whitethorn be receive actually distinctly when hosting a mega-event, rendering the normal multipliers invalid (Matheson, 2006). other prob lem is that these studies are always prospective (Coates and Humphreys 2003). Prospective studies learn to be compared with retrospective econometric studies to see, in hindsight, whether they were correct.However, retrospective studies are often non executed because governments or bidding organizations get down no incentives to order such a involve (PriceWaterhouseCoopers, 2004). If conducted, most ex-post studies state that the testify that mega-sports events generate economic benefits is weak, at best. Thus, these hardly a(prenominal) ex post analyses generally fend for that ex-ante studies exaggerate the benefit of mega-sports events.6 Siegfried and Zimbalist (2000) review several(prenominal) econometric studies and all these studies find no statistically monumental recite that plait sports facilities stimulates economic development. Baade and Dye (1990) find turn out that the presence of a untested or renovated stadium has an un genuine impact on the level of person al income and even possibly a banish impact on topical anesthetic development relative to the region. Another frequently made comment is that, even if hosting a mega-event creates benefits for the organizing region, the question should be be whether financing such an event is the most efficient use of public money.Kesenne (1999) argues that for prototype the arena Cup should only receive public funding if at that place are no alternative projects that yield high benefits. However, as Kesenne (1999) admits, it is im likely to assess all alternatives, although it remains important tocalculate prospect personifys. A study which is highly relevant for the present paper is that of Brenke and Wagner (2006) who analyze the economic do of the origination Cup 2006 in Germany. The authors find that extendations that the human race Cup would importantly increase spending on example and growth were overestimated. Additional employment was generated only temporarily. The base an d promotion be in hosting the serviceman Cup risinged overall economic mental process by approximately 0.05% (estimates depart between 0.02 percent and 0.07 percent). The main beneficiaries of the innovation Cup were FIFA (187 million Euros) and the German football game Association DFB (21 million Euros). scotch tint Assessments of the World Cup 2010 in sulfur AfricaIn July 2003, tolerate Thornton Kessel Feinstein issued the results of their economic impact assessment, ordered by the southwest African company that submitted the bid to host the football World Cup to FIFA in phratry 2003. In their report ( pass Thornton, 2003) they predict that the event go forth lead to direct expenditure of R12.7 trillion an increase of R21.3 billion (1.2%) in the gross domestic product (GDP) of conspiracy Africa 159,000 new employment opportunities (3.5% of confederation Africas unemployed active population) and R7.2 billion spare tax revenue for the south-central African governmen t. More newly, Grant Thornton estimated that the event leave alone contribute at least R51.1 billion (2.7%) to the expanses GDP because more tickets will be available for sales event (Gadebe, 2007). These results grant been widely disseminated through the media.In the clean of the foregoing literature review, there is reason to be sceptical about these predictions. A closer look into the numbers and the methods offers serious reasons to believe that these results are overestimations. First, Grant Thornton (2003) includes domestic residents expenditures at the event as direct benefits. However, this is merely a reallotment of expenditure and does not add to the GDP of a bucolic (see e.g. Baade, 2006 Johnson and Sack, 1996). Second, according to Bohlmann (2006), the use of multipliers in the report is questionable and overly optimistic. Third, the report estimated that R1.8 billion would have to be spent on upgrades to stadia, and R500 million on infrastructure upgrades.Howe ver, a site publish for the outside(a) commercializeing Council of sulphur Africa (2008) reports much higher(prenominal) investment costs R8.4 billion for building and renovating ten World Cup stadiums (five have to be renovated and five have to be make). For example, the Durban stadium and the Cape township stadium that have to be built cost respectively R2.6 billion and R2.85 billion. The cost of upgrades on the infrastructure, for example, upgrades of airports and improvements of the coarses course and rail network, is estimated now at R9 billion. Fourth, there are problems with the interpretation of the announced 159,000 new employment opportunities. The Local Organising Committee (LOC) plans to retrieve volunteers, ordinary people as healthy as specialists, to work at the World Cup.These volunteers are not paid, which sheds a different light on the interpretation of employment opportunities. Moreover, many of the jobs will only be temporarily. Because of the troubles ome economic situation in Zimbabwe, and because of the announcements of the numerous job vacancies, there is a huge migration f beginning of skilled and semi-skilled construction workers from Zimbabwe to mho Africa (Sapa AFP, 2007). These migrants may take up a considerable share of this employment.Do meets Differ with the Level of ontogeny of the drove Country ? The most obvious point of reference when assessing the potential impact of the to the south Africa World Cup is to compare it with the most recent World Cup in Germany. However, important differences in the level of income and development between Germany and south Africa complicate such comparison. Thus we cannot merely transpose the economic impact of the World Cup in Germany to South-Africa (Matheson and Baade 2004). An important difference relates to the costs of infrastructure investments.7 First, investment requirements in South Africa are larger. While South Africa has to build several new stadiums, Germany had (most of) them already, and investments were limited to upgrading. Possible even more importantly, the general infrastructure, for example colligate to transport, requires much more investment in South Africa.Second, regarding the costs, one should look at differences in cost of capital and cost of labor. The aforementioned ( probability) costs of capital are typically higher in developing countries. Money spent on the event is money not spent in other areas, such as thehealth system. However, wages are comparatively upset in developing countries which can demoralise berth the operating and infrastructure costs. Labor opportunity costs may also be low in developing countries with large unemployment. The post-World Cup use (return) of the investments differs as well. Concerning the stadia, these are well used in Germany with a large attendance in the Bundesliga. It is more uncertain what the demand for the football stadia will be in South Africa later on the World Cup. In gener al, one would expect that the demand for these facilities is lower in developing countries, as sport is a lavishness good, albeit that South Africa is a real specific demesne.There appears strong (and high income) demand for other sports (rugby) while less (and low income) demand for football. The extent of use of the stadia for these different demands will certainly affect the benefits. meek use and high maintenance costs may even lead to a negative legacy of the World Cup. proof from the post-World Cup 2002 effectuate in South Korea and Japan indicates that concerns about the low use and high maintenance costs of the stadiums were reassert (Watts, 2002). Regarding general infrastructure investments, one would light upon that the probable personal effects would be large in South Africa. Its infrastructural deficiencies are often cited as a constraint on growth, and improving this because of the World Cup requirements could provide a major reduction in costs and provide a p roductiveness boost to the economy.Sports MigrationPossibly more than in any other economic activity, migration is important in sports. The share of migrants in the main sports leagues in Europe and North America is large by average economic sector standards, in particular for the top leagues. There are cases where teams in first divisions in Europe have played with 100% migrants, hence without a maven native player. The pattern of migration varies considerably crossways sports. For example, in (ice) hockey, the main migration pattern is from east Europe to the US and Canada in baseball from Central America to the US and Canada in basketball, some European and Latin American players play in the US NBA at the same time, many US players who cannot make it in the NBA play in European leagues and in football (soccer) the main migration is from the rest of the initiation to Europe, and among countries within Europe.Migration ofAfrican football players to Europe has grown exponentiall y over the yesteryear decades. Studies on the impact of these migration patterns can be classified into different groups. most(prenominal) of the literature on migration of athletes or sports players emphasizes and focuses on what are claimed to be negative implications. One negative implication could be referred to as the muscle expire (analogous to the literature on the thinker drain) it refers to the negative effects on nurture and the competitiveness of the topical anaesthetic sports system. Related negative effects are argued to be low wages for developing res publica players, the mislabeled nature of the migration and transfers, and the neediness of transparency surrounding it (e.g. Andreff, 2004 Magee and Sugden, 2002), inducing some to refer to this as a moderne form of sla actually. While there appears to be considerable ad hoc curtilage on these effects (including on illegal activities and lack of transparency in worldwideistic transfers),8 there is in general critical representative evidence on these issues.In contrast, an extensive literature on the development and pauperism impacts of general migration, which is generally based on much stop data and evidence, suggests very different effects of migration. First, worldwide remittances have in general a positive impact on development (Adams, 2006). Remittances reduce the level, depth and severity of poverty in the developing world, because a large proportion of these income transfers go to poor households, although not necessarily the very poorest (Adams and scallywag, 2003, 2005). Remittances also have a positive impact on investment in education and in entrepreneurial activities and can help heaving the level of tender capital in a country as a whole (Edwards and Ureta, 2003 Yang, 2005 McCormick and Wahba, 2001 Page, Cuecuecha and Adams, 2008). While very bittie is known about the impact of remittances from sports remuneration, there is no ex ante reason to believe that these ef fects would be very different.Second, migration affects the level of human capital (in a broad interpretation) in the origin country in both positive and negative ways, what is sometimes referred to as the brain drain and the brain gain (Ozden and Schiff, 2005). Recent studies (not instruction on migration in sports) come to the expiry that, although international migration involves the movement of the educated, international migration does not tendto take a very high proportion of the best educated, excursion from a few labor-exporting countries. Hence the brain drain is generally limited (Adams, 2003). In fact, migration of the educated from a developing country may increase the incentive to mystify education, resulting in a brain gain. In other words, the energizing investment effects reverse the static, depletion effects of migration on schoolhouse (Boucher et al, 2005). Hence, in summary, taking into account dynamic incentive effects, the net impact expects to be a brain gain.These findings seem to conflict with arguments that the muscle drain in sports undermines the sporting capacity of developing countries. It is state to divert the most talented sportsmen, deviation the developing countries with the costs of their education without the orifice of regaining this investment in human (or athletic) capital. This muscle drain is also argued to crumble the capacity of the home country to use its most talented athletes in international competition, explaining the poor executings of developing countries in world sport events (Andreff, 2004).However, the empirical evidence to countenance these arguments does not appear to stand up to a rigorous analysis, such as taking into account selection bias. Moreover, the analyses slew any dynamic effects which seem to occur in developing country sports sectors where investments in local training facilities have grown with the increased success of developing country players in rich country sports leagues, al though there is no systematic evidence on this. Moreover, developing countries seem to have done better, not worse, since the start of full-blooded migration from their players to rich country competitions.For example, African teams have performed increasingly well in the past three decades in the World Cup. Third, the creation of sports schools with the explicit objective to prepare local players for playing in rich country sports leagues is the subject of much debate. While some of these schools are quite successful, the models are criticized for an short distribution of the gains (with the, often European, owners argued to capture a disproportionate share of the monetary benefits), and for leadership to a decline in education enrolment, and for creating social problems (Darby, Akindes and Kirwin, 2007).Fourth, the search for African players by European football clubs is argued to be an example of wage dumping (Poli, 2006). These arguments are very similar to the issues in the general migration literature with migrants taking over jobs at lower wages in the host country an issue well studied in other sectors of the economy. Interestingly, one of the worlds leading experts, George Borjas of Harvard University claims that there is no produce evidence either way and that despite massive immigration from poorer countries in recent decades studies show very little impact on wages in the US (Aydemir and Borjas, 2007).Finally, while across the globe remittances are a very important spring of capital, and particularly so in some developing countries, it is unclear whether remittances of migrated sports players are sufficiently bulky to have a significant impact on the development of a country or a region. On the one hand, the number of players migrating is very small compared to total employment. However, sports migration has grown rapidly and incomes are generally much higher in Europe or the US than at home, where incomes are considerably lower. However, t here is no substantive evidence here one can only speculate or draw on ad hoc cases. strike of the World CupGiven these potential effects of migration, how is the World Cup likely to affect these? several(prenominal) changes may occur, some with opposing effects. If the World Cup gives a long-term boost to football in South Africa, either by creating facilities in areas of the countries or for parts of the population where football is popular, or by drawing in new parts of the population (and their incomes) into football, this may increase the demand for players from other African countries and thus in-migration of players. Another possible effect is that the World Cup may inspire young South Africans to accommodate international players or may step on it much needed investments in young person football and training facilities in South Africa. This could lead to a surge in football academies in South Africa. This is what was find in Senegal after the exceptional performance of t he national team in the 2002 World Cup. This could then result in an increase in out-migration of footballplayers from South Africa to the rest of the world.Concluding comments Money is not everything.This paper has reviewed several potential economic effects of the World Cup. The arguments discussed so cold seem to suggest that the economic impact of the World Cup in South Africa is likely to be less than argued by the consulting reports, but that there may be substantive benefits from improvements in the general infrastructure that result from the World Cup organization. However, money, of course, is not everything. There is a growing economic literature on the connection between delight (or subjective well- be) and income. Within a society, studies find that, on average, persons with a higher income are happier than poor people (see e.g. Frey and Stutzer, 2002 graham flour and Pettinatio, 2002) but that after a certain threshold level of income, higher income does not seem to make people happier.Several reports also point out that benefits are not always tangible or cannot be expressed in financial terms, such as the increased faith and pride of the population of the host country. Szymanski (2002) argues that organizing the World Cup will not boost economic growth although the government expenditures do improve the overall well being of its citizens because of these intangible effects. The study of Brenke and Wagner (2006) on the economic effects of the World Cup 2006 in Germany comes to a similar conclusion, i.e. that the economic effects were minor but that there was a positive effect on society for other reasons. The World Cup showed a positive image of the country and, as they say it was great fun, naught more, nothing less.One could even hypothesize on the economic implications of this. There is evidence from the psychological science literature that happier people perform better in general and also earn more income. Graham et al. (2004) find that factors such as self-esteem and optimism that affect felicitousness also have positive effects on peoples performance in the labor market. This effect of happiness could be particularly relevant for the World Cup in South Africa, because the study of Graham et al (2004) also shows that these factors thing more for the poor. In this view, the extent to which the World Cup stimulates a positive view among poor people in South African societymatters especially. Hence, ensuring poor local people access to the games is important. In this light the initiative of the FIFA and the local organizers to make tickets more easily and cheaper available for local residents is a step in the right direction.ReferencesAdams, R.H.J. & J. Page (2003). transnational Migration, Remittances and Poverty in development Countries World Bank insurance policy explore workings Paper 3179. Adams, R.H.J. & J. Page (2005). Do International Migration and Remittances Reduce Poverty in evolution Countries? W orld victimization, Vol. 33, Nr. 10. pp. 1645 1669. Adams, R.H.J. (2003). International Migration, Remittances, and the read/write head enfeeble. A register of 24 Labor-Exporting Countries Policy search Working Paper 3069. The World Bank. Poverty Reduction Group, Washington, DC. Adams, R.H.J. (2006). Migration, Remittances and Development The captious Nexus in the Middle atomic number 99 and North Africa United Nations expert group meeting on international migration and development in the Arab region. Andreff, W. (2004). 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